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Montebello
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October
30, 2008
Election
Edition
...
And these and all other
elections, especially of representatives and counsellors, should be annual,
there not being in the whole circle of the sciences a maxim more infallible
than this, "where annual elections end, there slavery begins."
These great
men, in this respect, should be, once a year,
"Like
bubbles on the sea of matter borne,
They rise, they
break, and to that sea return."
This will teach
them the great political virtues of humility, patience, and moderation,
without which every man in power becomes a ravenous beast of prey. ...
“Thoughts
on Government”
John
Adams, 1735 – 1826,
was
elected second President of the
United States
after serving as
America's first Vice President for two terms. He is
regarded as one
of the most influential Founding Fathers of the United States.
1.
A Word on the Presidential Election
2.
The President Who Would Be King
3.
Why I Won’t Vote for McCain or
Obama
4.
When a Special Interest Defeats
the Public Interest
5.
A Refreshing Thought
6.
Announcements
7.
About
Montebello E-News and “My Montebello”
A
Word on the Presidential Election
In
early September, a friend forwarded an e-mail containing a list of
shortcomings of one of the candidates for Vice President.
I wrote the following to the friend:
We
are asking the wrong questions.
Why
are we assuming that a structure for democracy set up in pre-industrial America
would work as well today? In
other words, why should so much power be vested in the President, to
automatically be vested in the Vice-President if the President were
incapacitated? Are we playing at
democracy when, in fact, we have a leader wearing the emperor's clothes?
In
other words, are we being democratic when we are putting so much power and
responsibility in the hands of one person, the President, and his
substitute, the Vice President? Do
you not find it odd, if not cause for concern, that this question is not
being asked?
The
President Who Would Be King
Have
you wondered why we scrutinize Presidential candidates ad infinitum, ad
nauseam?
We
look into their personal lives, their trips to the doctor, their
misstatements made under stress and fatigue.
We criticize them for what they do and what they do not do.
We expect them to be prophets, meaning that they may not change
their minds on an issue.
Why?
Because we have vested so much power in them.
We want to be able to trust them, to know that they would be healthy,
ethical, and wise. They are the
most powerful people on the planet.
And
why have we permitted them to become the most powerful people on the planet?
Part
of the answer is that large corporations prefer dealing with one person
instead of a multitude like Congress. But
why do we the public tolerate this antidemocratic phenomenon of one
very powerful President?
Because
we want somebody to decide for us.
Because life is complicated, and making decisions is hard and
time-consuming. And there is
more than a remote chance that the decision would be wrong—better to blame
the President and his pandilla of pundits, rather than to blame
ourselves.
We
are not democratic. We do want a
king.
Why
I Won’t Vote for McCain or Obama
The
following is from an e-mail which I sent to friends on September 28, 2008.
Friday evening
[September 26, 2008], there was an interview by Bill Moyers with Professor
Andrew Bacevich of Boston University, who just published The Limits of Power.
Bacevich said it much
better than I: neither
major-party candidate wants to dilute the power of the imperial Presidency.
My belief is that the
more people involved in decision-making, including access to information to
make those decisions, the less need there is for official watchdogs, like
oversight commissions, as the people themselves become the official
watchdogs. Traditionally, we
have had a relatively small number of official watchdogs, who have been
overwhelmed, beholden or restricted.
Just now T. Boone
Pickens broadcast one of his ads about alternative energy, "We have to
get on the politicians to get it done."
My question is, "Why? Why can't we be making the decisions ourselves?"
The Internet is the new Capitol--Castells' "public
space"--enabling a far larger group of people to collectively, even
authentically and securely, make decisions.
It concerns me that,
in 1789, we had 27,000 constituents for every member of Congress.
We now have over 660,000 per member.
Decision-making becomes difficult.
Lobbyists become research assistants for burdened staff.
My unanswered letter
to Obama, which, by the way, goes back a couple of years to an unanswered
letter to him as a Senator, was to me evidence of what Bacevich stated.
There is a different
take on this: ever-increasing
complexity compels specialized decision-making by a relatively small number
of people. In other words,
democracy thrives under only certain conditions, and those conditions are
disappearing.
The lesser of two
evils? Certainly Obama.
But because our system is fundamentally flawed and Obama is not
addressing that flaw, other problems will arise in coming years.
It is as if we were in a continuing state of crisis.
The answer in the
short term? Ever-increasing
local assumption of power, interestingly consistent with one of the ten key
planks of the Green Party platform. So,
as Obama becomes the President, there certain will be alleviations, but the
crisis will continue and the work to save America will neither progress nor regress.
When
a Special Interest Defeats the Public Interest
As
we hear the tiring, repetitious, often vapid arguments in favor of and
against ballot propositions, we wonder how many of those arguments are
underwritten by special interests
trying to manipulate us away from the public interest.
My “lazy man’s” rule is to set aside the dizzying pro and con
arguments, and to read about who will be watching over the money which a
proposition-turned-law will collect. If
there are no public watchdogs, like you and me, involved, I likely would
vote against the proposition. Thus,
I will vote against every proposition intended to collect a large sum of
money, with one exception. A
better way to deal with propositions is to analyze with a group of friends;
thanks to a cousin, I am reading informal e-mail analyses by a
group—although I do not know them.
Below
are two examples of a special interest defeating the public interest.
“No
Money Down”
from the upcoming Arthur
Magazine No. 31, Oct 2008
Douglas Rushkoff, a New
York-based writer, columnist and lecturer on technology, media and popular
culture.
…
The
mortgage and credit crisis wasn’t merely predictable; it was predicted.
And not by a market bear or conspiracy theorist, but by the people and
institutions responsible. The record number of foreclosures, credit
defaults, and, now, institutional collapses is not the result of the churn
of random market forces, but rather a series of highly lobbied changes to
law, highly promoted ideologies of wealth and home ownership, and monetary
policies highly biased toward corporate greed. …
The
whole show was a fitting metaphor for the credit crunch, a misnamed sabotage
of the credit system by institutions with the problem of too much, not too
little, money to put to work. As I explained in my last column, banks and
credit institutions simply had more money on hand than they had people who
were qualified to borrow it. So they changed the law to create more demand
for the money they had in oversupply. …
Meanwhile,
the credit industry spent over $100 million lobbying to change bankruptcy
laws. Although a corporation in bankruptcy still has its debts erased, the
regulations surrounding personal bankruptcy were changed so that personal
debts stay on the books forever. The logic they used to argue for the change
was that debtors are smart, gaming the system to buy beyond their means and
then declaring bankruptcy at the last minute.
But
the very same creditors knew that just the opposite was true—as evidenced
by their sales tactics and marketing campaigns. They turned to a social
science known as behavioral finance—the study of the way people
consistently act against their own best financial interests, as well as how
to exploit these psychological weaknesses when peddling questionable
securities and products. …
“One
Nation, Uninsured”
By Paul Krugman, The New York
Times, June 13, 2005
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